Violence against Women in Politics (#VAWIP) and Women Human Rights Defenders (#WHRD)

Standard

 VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN IN POLITICS AND WOMEN HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS

An Annotated Bibliography

by Radhika Bhalerao

(Cross-posted from the GRIT@Prajnya blog)

(List of abbreviations  available at the bottom of the post)

The intent in compiling this annotated bibliography was to identify and summarise academic as well as non-academic literature easily available in the public domain on the topics of gender-based violence in politics and elections, against Women Human Rights Defenders (HRD), including violence by extremist groups.

The publication of this annotated bibliography as a public document is to assist other researchers, the donor community and others who have an interest in aforementioned arenas.

This annotated bibliography contains resources from international organisations, news articles and peer-reviewed academic publications available in the public domain. The arrangement of the bibliography has also been made in this order and not alphabetically or chronologically.

 

Office of High Commissioner for Human Rights, U. N. (2004). Fact Sheet No. 29, Human Rights Defenders: Protecting the Right to Defend Human Rights. DOI: http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Publications/FactSheet29en.pdf Retrieved on 2016 November, 21.

This fact sheet primarily addresses state authorities, national and international non-governmental organisations, U.N personnel, major private sector actors including transnational corporations, and HRDs themselves. The fact sheet has been divided into four sections that deal with information about what “human rights defenders” are, the violations faced by them, U.N protections and support for their work and recommendations for support and protection of their work. It has been prepared with the objective of supporting HRDs in their work.

The publication is intended for several reasons, such as to provide a rapid understanding of what a “human right defender is” and what activities he/she undertakes, support the right to defend human rights, strengthen the protection of human rights from any repercussions of their work and provide a tool for HRDs in conducting advocacy and training activities. Particular to section II, the document discusses the situation of Women Human Rights Defenders (WHRDs) and establishes that the particular situation and role of women as HRDs require special awareness and sensitivity to both, ways in which they might be affected differently, and to some additional challenges. Importantly, this section notes that while the state is the primary perpetrator of violations against HRDs, WHRDs have often found their rights violated by members of their own communities owing to several social and cultural factors.

The publication also contains a brief analysis of the Declaration on the Right and Responsibility of Individuals, Groups and Organs of Society to Promote and Protect Universally Recognized Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and provides an introduction to the activities and methods of work of the Special Representative of the Secretary General of the United Nations on human rights defenders.

 

Women, U. N. (2014). Violence against women in politics a study conducted in India, Nepal and Pakistan. DOI: http://iknowpolitics.org/sites/default/files/vawip-report.pdf  Retrieved on 2016 November, 21.

The object of this study is to examine, analyse and understand the context, nature, extent, motives and effects, as well as increasing awareness of, and identifying best practice approaches to Violence Against Women in Politics (VAWIP) in the countries of India, Pakistan and Nepal (South Asia). In doing so, a mixed-method sequential approach and stratified sampling has been employed. The study makes use of primary as well as secondary data. One of the first studies of its kind, it explores the connection between violence and discrimination against women, women’s political participation and political violence and is an important body of knowledge for understanding the extent of VAWIP in the subcontinent.

The study forms three conceptual categories – Structural (social, political and economic), Institutional (individual institutions through which the structure manifests itself) and Functional (efforts challenging the structural features of the socio-political devices creating and perpetuating VAWIP) – to assign the discussion on existing violence, women’s participation in politics, the challenges they face and the attempts to regulate such violence. The study asserts that patriarchy at the structural level, and all its socio-cultural ramifications, are reinforced at the institutional level and are the key factors that lead to VAWIP.

This study makes use of other important bodies of knowledge such as publications by South Asian Partnership and Centre for Social Research for understanding the nature and extent of VAWIP and for developing policy briefs as well as policy level advocacy to influence electoral reforms and creating an enabling environment for women’s engagement with politics. The primary research validates some important research findings of the secondary research used in this study, particularly that social and economic disparities affect gender equilibrium in politics, leading to a deprived political agency, of particularly those women who are not connected to a political family.

Importantly, the study establishes that there is a sparsity of dialogue on the topic of VAWIP, and the political system is in almost complete denial of the existence of VAWIP.  It further states that this silence and limited understanding of the topic is compounded by the lack of structures to address Violence against Women (VAW) and even more broadly, violence in politics.

South Asia Partnership International. (2006). Violence Against Women In Politics: Surveillance System. DOI: http://www.peacewomen.org/sites/default/files/PartPol-VAW_Surveillance_SAPI-VAWP_2007_0.pdf Retrieved on 2016 November, 21.

This guidebook has been published under the VAWIP program implemented by South Asian Partnership (SAP) International to create a favorable environment for women’s political participation in South Asia. The guidebook is intended to provide information and support the Surveillance System (SuS) developed to monitor, document, communicate, refer and advocate against VAWIP.

The guidebook is intended to provide some basic information on the development of, and support the day-to-day practical process of implementation of, the SuS at the regional level for the use of Watch Group Members, SAP Nationals and partners who are the key stakeholders of this system to understand its various levels and processes for proper functioning. The guidebook has been structured in a simple manner and written in a language that is easy to understand, and allows its users to devise a step-by-step action plan relevant to their work.

Apart from being an introduction to the VAWIP program and the SuS, its phases and areas of information, reporting of surveillance, structure of the system and the roles and responsibilities of watch groups, the guidebook also introduces the reader to the South Asian political system and the state of women’s participation in it.

 

South Asian Partnership International. (2007). Unfolding The Reality: Silenced Voices of Women In Politics.  DOI: https://www.academia.edu/14355079/Unfolding_the_reality_Silenced_voices_of_women_in_politics  Retrieved on 2016 November, 21.  

This report has been published in order to reveal the dimensions of VAWIP and attempts to document the realities of the sufferings of women trying to achieve a career in politics. Importantly, the publication holds a mirror to the issues pertaining to the structural form of violence affecting women at various levels of South Asian society.

The report has made use of National Situation Analysis reports, Case Study Reports and other documents prepared by the SAP national and partner organisations and in a unique manner attempts to understand the nature and form of violence against female politicians in a region having a paradoxically complex history of oppression, female leadership in top political positions and mobilisation of women at the grassroots level.

While the study does not cover all the dimensions of the issues of VAWIP, it is intended to act as a stepping stone towards building a new arena for addressing the issues of VAWIP and primarily acts as the breaker of silence on the issue. More importantly, the study is a breakthrough in clarifying some deep-seated myths and misconceptions associated with violence against women in the public domain. For example, it debunks the myth that the perpetrators of violence are social miscreants, perverts or thugs by its finding that government officials, political representatives at the higher echelons and law enforcing agencies top this list (effectively leaving little room for accountability).

The study also makes recommendations to the state, civil society organisations, media, as well as political parties. It urges all stakeholders to act as change agents and work towards a brighter future for women in politics.

 

South Asian Partnership International. (2010). Violence Against Women in Politics: Defining Terminologies and Concepts. DOI: https://www.ndi.org/files/VAWIP_Defining%20TERMINOLOGY%20AND%20CONCEPTS_Final.pdf Retrieved on 2016 November, 21.

This handbook has been published in order to clarify terminologies and concepts and compiling definitions and scope of terms and concepts relating to VAWIP. It has been published by SAP International in collaboration with national SAPs partner civil society organisation working on issue of VAWIP since 2006.

The handbook uses a variety of sources such as books, academic publications, UN conventions and other official UN publications, and material available on websites in the public-domain. Organised alphabetically, the handbook elaborates on concepts such as ‘Affirmative Action’, ‘Coping Mechanisms’, ‘Culture of Silence’ or ‘Women’s Qualitative Participation’ among others. It is interesting to note that this handbook is placed in the context of the challenges faced in South Asia in terms of effective democratic governance as the countries cope with demands of global economy and pressures form citizens for increased participation and representation.

The handbook has been published with the intent and object of being useful to all readers but particularly to those working on the issues of violence against women, women in politics and political violence.

 

Association for Women’s Rights in Development (2014). Our Right to Safety: Women Human Rights Defenders’ Holistic Approach to Protection. DOI: https://www.awid.org/sites/default/files/atoms/files/Our%20Right%20To%20Safety_FINAL.pdf Retrieved on 2016 November, 21.

This is a research report published by the Association for Women’s Rights in Development (AWID) and dealing with the topics of safety and security of WHRDs. This research report has been formed by a consultative process that has included individual conversations as well as consultations that brought together WHRDs who defend human rights including women’s rights, in Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Middle East. The report provides an insight into the complex situation of women who face threats and violence resulting from their work defending Human rights.

The report does not focus solely on the aspect of physical violence but establishes a need for creation of an enabling environment for WHRDs to work in. The report asserts that the violence experienced by WHRDs, as well as the impact it has on their lives and work, makes it imperative to adopt mechanisms for protection that address the different needs and realities of WHRDs.

Divided in five parts, the publication deals with various aspects of security and protection of WHRDs such as analysing risk factors, exploring protection measures, responsibility of the state, identification and description of regional and international human rights mechanisms in place to protect defenders and providing recommendations for various actors such as states, regional and international human rights protection mechanisms, international cooperation agencies and donors, and national and transnational corporations to develop gender-specific protection initiatives, and what “effective protection” means to WHRDs. Thus, the publication has a strong focus on protection initiatives put in place by the State as well as regional and international multilateral institutions and draws on the experiences and realities of WHRDs in relying on these protection strategies and mechanisms.

The publication emphasises the need to advance an integrated concept of security that goes beyond the mere physical protection of an individual. The report reiterates the need for protection measures and programs to take into account the historical, cultural, political and social contexts in which WHRDs live and address their specific needs and realities. Importantly, the report highlights the limitations of the term “security” by stating that it is often associated with militarization, whereas the word “protection” is often understood as having paternalistic connotations.

 

Pendigrast, K. (2016). BEFORE IT’S TOO LATE: A Preliminary Inquiry: Tangible Protection Mechanisms for Women Human Rights Defenders in the MENA Region and Beyond. Gulf Center for Human Rights. DOI: https://www.google.nl/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=3&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=0ahUKEwiXqICQwbLQAhVI0xoKHaCyAo8QFggoMAI&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.gc4hr.org%2Freport%2Fdownload%2F55&usg=AFQjCNEzil6ViCSGR2OsqXBEWq52uPFLSw&sig2=vk_iQRLwA95xu5fU0q2Few Retrieved on 2016 November, 21.

This report has been published with the objective of initiating discussions on various thematic issues, including definitions of WHRDs in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region and how they relate to definitions used by United Nations Mechanisms, including the U.N special Rapporteur on the Situation of HRDs. The report establishes a feminist methodology for the research and has been created with the aim of being a collective and participatory effort based on objective investigation and analysis. The report also aims at addressing and unpacking common problems in definitions and reflecting a culture of reaction while seeking to use women’s voices as the main source of report narratives.

The report places the situation of WHRDs in the MENA region within the context of displacement, secrecy, constant assault and disrupting identity and conventional (legal approaches and social pressure) and unconventional (ICTs and methods affecting social and financial mobility) modes of targeting WHRDs. With the aim of creating a category of WHRDs with a clear set of rules and criteria to be inclusive and non-discriminatory, the report sheds light on the dilemma of the definition of WHRDs. The discussion highlights an evidential gap related to “neutrality” between the local and international circles with regard  to who can identify as a defender in general. The report asserts that the lack of knowledge and awareness of these concepts is problematic and finds that definitions of who can conceptually or theoretically constitute a WHRD are very restrictive, and contribute to excluding a lot of women who are part of these global movements, based on narrow understandings and technicalities.

The report aims to set up a basis for a holistic strategy for prevention of violence against and protection of WHRDs in this region by focusing on components such as communal approach, communal research, tackling urgent issues with time, technology, access to privacy and safe spaces, access to rehabilitation, and establishing a culture of well-being. The report also presents a comprehensive set of recommendations addressing stakeholders on various levels. Prevention is at the core of these recommendations and proposals focus on maintaining and sustaining collaboration between different agencies to achieve the anticipated results through various tools such as legal mechanisms, research, long term programing with a concentration on well-being, access and dissemination of information through safe digital spaces.

 

Foulkes, I. (2016 October, 26). Sexual harassment of female MPs widespread, report says. BBC News. DOI: http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-37770664 Retrieved on 2016 November, 21.

This news article reports on the study by the Inter Parliamentary Union (IPU) being released during the group’s annual assembly in Geneva. The article reports that over 80% of the participants had experienced some form of psychological or sexual harassment or violence, as found by the study with fifty-five Members of Parliaments (MPs) from across the globe.

The article put the report in the context of current global developments such as the U.S presidential elections and points to the abuse female politicians face, through social media, by language used by colleagues and voters. The article notes the conclusions of the report, stating that the sheer pervasiveness of sexual discrimination, from humiliating language to harassment to real violence, is preventing many elected women from carrying out their duties in freedom and safety.

 

Moloney, A (2016 September, 9). Violent Extremist groups take special aim at women, U.N. official says. DOI: http://thejournal.io/a/1049744-violent-extremist-groups-take-special-aim-at-women-u-n-official-says Retrieved on 2016 November, 21.

The article reports on the statement made by Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, the head of U.N Women’s advocacy agency in Salvador, Brazil, stating that armed extremist and fundamentalist groups worldwide are eroding women’s right and undermining gains made in gender equality in recent years, citing militant groups such as Boko Haram in Nigeria (kidnapping of 276 girls from secondary school in Chibok) to Islamic state in Iraq and Syria (Yazidi people of northern Iraq where women and girls have been brutalised).

The article also noted the statement that fundamentalists and extremists have intensified attacks on groups that campaign for gender equality and defend human rights, globally.

 

Khan, S. R. (2009). REGIONAL CONFERENCE OF WOMEN HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS 8–9 August 2009 Women Human Rights Defenders in Bangladesh. Women8, 9. DOI: http://odhikar.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/09/Women-defenders-Bangladesh-Article-2009.pdf Retrieved on 2016 November, 21.

This paper has been presented by the author at the Regional Conference of Women Human Rights Defenders held in 2009. The author begins by accommodating the definition of  WHRDs with Article 1 of Declaration of Human Rights Defenders and proceeds to state that HRDs have several characteristics in common, even though they may have differing reasons in taking up this role. The author then notes the different areas of work that WHRDs cover, the different categories they fall in and the need for special attention and focus in order to ensure their protection. The author discusses the environment in which WHRDs conduct their activities and several gender-specific risks they face owing to the manipulative use of culture, tradition, custom, misinterpretations of religion, social pressures as well as victimisation within the private space.

The author then discusses the “Empowerment of WHRD in Bangladesh Project” by Odhikar, an organisation that has trained and enhanced activities of more than two hundred HRDs across Bangladesh. She states that the project has been aimed at training and enhancing the capacity of local WHRDs in four areas of Bangladesh, and to carry out fact finding missions and monitor the status of cases involving acid violence, rape and dowry related violence. She states that one of the outcomes of the program was the creation of a network of victims, WHRDs, local lawyer groups and the police. The author also states that among the obstacles faced while implementing the program, non-cooperation and inaction by the police was starkly visible.

In conclusion, the author states that the principles of gender equality and non-discrimination of women are vital to protection of WHRDs, and that the state must take measures to correct gender biases in their legal systems, repeal biased laws and policies and modify social attitudes that sponsor gender inequality.

 

Krook, M. L., & Sanin, J. R. (2016). Gender and political violence in latin America. Política y gobierno23(1). DOI: http://mlkrook.org/pdf/pyg_2016.pdf Retrieved on 2016 November, 21.

This article surveys how the concept of VAWIP has been defined by academics and practitioners across Latin America, and notes that it is largely in terms of physical and psychological violence. The article draws on secondary data and research from various disciplines and proposes the expansion of the concept of VAWIP. The articles begins by establishing that there is a major shift towards gender equality in elected office, and measures such as gender quotas have been put in place to achieve better results. However, the article notes that gendered political environments continue to create difficulties and affirmative action, such as quotas, can cause a backlash which may take the form of violence. The author notes that this has caused concerns among international non-governmental organizations across the world,  particularly in Latin America.

The article is divided into four parts. The first section addresses the “state of the art” across Latin America in terms of debate around “political violence and political harassment against women” along with tracing the development of this dialogue. In the second section, the article engages with various academic literature to distinguish VAWIP from related concepts, and theorises the causes behind its occurrence and the significance of the particular forms it takes.

The third section of the article incorporates feminist and non-feminist research and scholarship on violence and contends that apart from physical and psychological violence, economic and symbolic violence should be included in the definition of VAWIP. In this section, the authors also provide the reader with examples of all four types of violence to substantiate the proposal of the revised framework. The final section of the article considers theoretical and practical implications of opting for different definitions. The  authors assert that widening of the definition is important to fully understand the nature of the issue as well as for developing effective solutions for it. They emphasise that a comprehensive approach best tackles the issue.

The article reveals the existence of widespread resistance to full political incorporation of women globally, but particularly in Latin America. Most importantly, the article asserts that VAWIP poses a threat to core democratic values when public officials are prevented by way of intimidation and coercion to prevent them from performing their duties. Thus, the authors assert that VAWIP not only threatens to hollow out national and international commitments to gender-balanced decision-making, but can also affect the integrity of the political system itself. They emphasise that attending to these issues is important not only for women interested in pursuing a political career, but also citizens and the academic community at large.

 

Krook, M. L., & Sanín, J. R. (2016). violence Against Women in Politics. Política y gobierno23(2). DOI: http://mlkrook.org/pdf/pyg_2_eng_2016.pdf Retrieved on 2016 November, 21.

This article has been published as a response to Jeniffer Piscopo’s (2016) critical assessment of the article “Gender and political violence in Latin America-Concepts, debates and solutions” by Krook & Sanin (2016). This article addresses the misinterpretations made by Piscopo and also augments the original article with their thinking informed by seminar discussions, conversations, readings, news items and original interviews conducted in the year preceding the publication of this article.

The authors argue against Piscopo who states that VAWIP is simply a subcategory of violence in politics more generally. Piscopo states that it is a phenomenon which is explained by weak state capacity and criminal justice systems and do not  violate only  women’s political rights but also other laws and legislations. The authors contend that VAWIP is distinct from violence in politics and that it seeks to prevent women’s participation as women. They also recognise the prevalence of this issue and the influence that different contexts have on the content and prevalence of different categories of violent acts. Further, the authors assert that VAWIP is more than just a criminal issue and one which poses a serious challenge to democracy, human rights and gender equality.

The authors argue against Piscopo’s assessment that scholars have accepted activists’ definitions at face value and state that emerging academic studies bring new tools to bear on the definitions of the phenomenon of VAWIP. The authors further make a very important assertion that solutions to address the occurrence of VAWIP should be pursued not only by the state but also by a host of different actors and stakeholders. They note that while the issue of VAWIP is being taken up globally and gaining ground speedily, academic studies are still nascent and emerge primarily out of Latin America. In conclusion, the authors encourage scholars and activists not to abandon the concept of VAWIP and instead work together to bring this issue into focus.

 

Bardall, G. (2013). Gender-specific election violence: the role of information and communication technologies. Stability: International Journal of Security and Development2(3). DOI: http://www.stabilityjournal.org/article/view/sta.cs/ Retrieved on 2016 November, 21.

The author begins by establishing that the influence of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) has paralleled development of women’s political participation globally. The author also establishes that women’s experiences of election violence fundamentally differ from men and may take place within the public as well as private spheres, and are distinguishable by their forms and frequencies. The author notes that women experience one-third as many direct physical attacks as men but are three times as likely to experience psychological violence. Further, the author asserts that, coupled with the threats of physical and sexual violence, these forms of election violence are the most devastating for women and are most often orchestrated through social media.

Giving evidence of acts that inflict psychological harm or the fear of it, the author notes that ICTs are often used as tools of gender-specific and electoral violence against women in political life or holding public office. The author also cites examples from Kenya, U.S.A, and U.K among others while discussing the various ways in which social media is used as a tool for intimidation or incitement for violence against women in elections (VAWE). The author notes the moral implications for this kind of violence carry a higher social cost for women owing to the imbalances in what constitutes ‘moral behavior’ for male and female politicians. The author also discusses the benefits that the perpetrator has by way of legal and moral impunity due to the difficulty of regulating and punishing such attacks.

Interestingly, the author also asserts that the same ICTs offer innovative solutions for prevention and mitigation of violence such as monitoring and documentation, education, providing platforms for raising awareness and through empowerment and advocacy. The author notes that one of the biggest advantages of ICTs has been to collect and document incidents of VAWE which helps in recognising its existence and thus establishing a baseline for progress.

In conclusion, the author states that innovative use of ICTs for combatting election and political-related violence against women still have far to go in catching up the threats posed by these ICTs to cause violence against women. She emphasises that it is necessary to understand the underlying dangers presented by social media, and encourages elections-rights and gender-rights advocates and practitioners to integrate best practices from their mutual fields in doing so.

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

AWID……..Association for Women’s Rights in Development

DOI…………Digital Object Identifier

ICT…………Information and Communication Technology

IPU…………Inter-Parliamentary Unit

HRD……….Human Rights Defender

MENA…….Middle East and North Africa

MP…………Member of Parliament

SAP………..South Asia Partnership

SuS…………Surveillance System

U.K…………United Kingdom

U.N…………United Nations

U.S.A………United States of America

U.S…………United States (of America)

VAWE…….Violence Against Women in Elections

VAWIP…..Violence Against Women in Politics

WHRD……Women Human Rights Defender

 

#stopvawip Bear witness through your writing

Standard

16d16-vawip

As part of this year’s 16 Days Campaign, we are inviting you to bear witness to the work and struggle of Women Human Rights Defenders. These are people who put their lives on the line, facing violence and persecution because they choose to visibly and vocally defend our rights. Recognising their effort and calling society and governments out on their persecution is a small way to thank and to support them.

On November 29, which is Women Human Rights Defenders Day, we will post your contributions here through the day as our salute to them and countless, nameless, faceless others around the world.

How can you identify women to write about? There are lots of resources out there. Use those as a point of departure but go beyond–and list your sources. Each time we repeat their story we bolster their efforts–and we join them.

A few places to start the search:

http://www.defendingwomen-defendingrights.org 
https://www.awid.org/priority-areas/women-human-rights-defenders 
https://www.globalfundforwomen.org/category/whrd-campaign 
http://www.asafeworldforwomen.org/whrd.html
http://nazra.org/en/terms/whrd 

Please note, we are asking you to email us a pitch first. This is to ensure that everyone does not write about the same person.

Looking forward to hearing from you!

TRESPASS, OR RE-IMAGINING JUSTICE

Standard

TRESPASS, OR RE-IMAGINING JUSTICE

by  Corinne Kumar

(An extract from this was included in the blog symposium on Gender, Torture and Transitional Justice. This was prepared for the Women in Black gathering held in Bangalore in November 2015.)

The story began a long time ago:
with our grandmothers, then their grandmothers,
and their grand grandmothers
stories that have been told over the ages
over and over and over again!

her-stories, vibrant, verbal herstories
of pain and suffering, of survival and hope
of tears and laughter.

And yet, always there was time for celebration
the song, the dance, the image, the poem, the dream
and always, always, the story.

I would have liked to have told you the story
of a nightingale who died
I would have liked to tell you the story
had they not slit my lips[i]*

Fragments of the story are beginning to be told
through the slit lips, through the silences.
Women are finding their voices in their anguish, their anger
making what has been understood as private sorrows into public crimes.
Violence against women has been seen as personal violence,
domestic problems, and therefore, individualized and privatized.
But these are crimes against half of humanity,
these are violations of the right to be human.
In relegating the crimes against women to the personal realm,
these crimes are refused their public face,
denied their sociel significance
disappeared from the political domain.

The frames that have defined the institutions and instruments
of justice have been drawn blinded to and mindless of gender;
and have been based on the legitimated discrimination
and degradation of women.
Women have been denied, dispossessed, devalued.
Women have been made invisible, excluded, erased.
It is to this invisibility, to this disappearing that we speak,
of girl-foeticide,  infanticide, dowry killings in India, rape all over the world,
female genital mutilation in Africa, honour crimes in the Arab world,
trafficking and sexual violence in Asia,
nuclear waste dumping and testing in the Pacific
inviting the women to tell their stories.

But there are no pages to write down our stories
we must find the pages, even create the pages
We must ourselves write new pages in history,
to break new ground
to cross patriarchal lines that have forbidden us to speak our truths:
to break the silence that enshrouds the violence
we must interrupt all that has invisibilised us
to re-tell history, to re-claim the power of memory,
to re-find the power of voice.

For we must remember:
the ways we have survived
the seeds we have kept
the medicinal herbs we have grown
the threads we have woven
the knowledges written on our skins
as we explore knowings deep in our consciousness
truths that we know and must be known
stories that must be told
we are the storytellers of our times.

We must begin to speak truth to power,
speaking to those who use, misuse, abuse power, yet also,
speaking truth  to those who are powerless- the indigenous,
the tribals, dalits, the women, marginalized and oppressed peoples
people with no power
the nameless, the faceless, the rightless.
Ours is a journey of the peripheries of power,
where power itself is being re-woven from the fabric of powerlessness.

We must speak too of another notion of justice; of a jurisprudence which bringing individual and collective justice and reparation will also be transformatory for all. A jurisprudence that is able to contextualize and historicize the crimes, moving away from a justice with punishment, a justice of revenge, a retributive justice, to a justice seeking redress, even reparation; a justice with truth and reconciliation, a restorative justice, a justice with healing, healing individuals and communities. Can the tears and narratives of the women, these sites of pain, and these sites of devastation and destitution lead us to re-thinking and re-imagining another way to justice? What ideas and sensibilities do we need to explore and to expand the imagination of justice? Refusing to separate the affective from the rational (juridical) creates a space in which emotive demands are allowed to be voiced and collective trauma is understood. This can be a step towards re-imagining this jurisprudence from within civil society in which we are able to creatively connect and deepen our collective insights and understanding of the context in which the text of our everyday realities is being written.

We need to imagine justice, differently.

***

We live in violent times:
times in which our community and collective memories are dying;
times in which the many dreams are turning into never-ending nightmares,
and the future is  increasingly fragmenting;
times that are collapsing the many life visions into a single cosmology that has
created its own universal truths—equality, development, peace;
truths that are inherently discriminatory, even violent.
times that have created a development model that dispossesses the majority,
desacralizes nature, destroys cultures and civilizations, denigrates the women;
devalues the women;
times in which the war on terrorism brings
a time of violent uncertainty, brutal wars:
wars for resources—oil, land, diamonds, minerals : wars of occupation,
terrorism, going global
and franchised to all, the world over;
times that are giving us new words;
censored, freedom of speech
pre-emptive strike, collateral damage, embedded journalism ,enemy combatants,
military tribunals, rendition:

new words:
words soaked in blood.

times in which the dominant political thinking, institutions and instruments of
justice are hardly able to redress the violence that is escalating and intensifying,
times in which progress presupposes the genocide of the many; the gendercide of women;
the violence taking newer and more contemporary forms,
times in which human rights have come to mean the rights of the privileged, the
rights of the powerful and for the masses to have their freedoms, their human rights, they must surrender the most fundamental human right of all,

the right to be human

times in which the political spaces for the other is diminishing, even closing.
the world, it would seem, is at the end of its imagination.
who will deny that we need another imaginary?

Perhaps it is in this moment when existing systems of meaning fragment,
that we may search for new meanings; new imaginaries.

Our imaginaries must be different :

The new imaginary cannot have its moorings in the dominant discourse but must seek to locate itself in a discourse of dissent that comes from a deep critique of the different forms of domination and violence in our times : any new imaginary cannot be tied to the dominant discourse and systems of violence and exclusion:

Perhaps, it is in the expressions of resistance seeking legitimacy not by the dominant standards, not from a dominant paradigm of jurisprudence, not by the rule of law, that begin to draw the contours of a new political imaginary: the Truth Commissions, the Public Hearings, the Peoples’ Tribunals, the Courts of Women are expressions of a new imaginary refusing that human rights be defined and confined by the dominant hegemonic paradigm.

Only the imagination stands between us and fear : fear makes us behave like sheep when we should be dreaming like poets.

***

So let me gather some stars and make a fire for you and sitting around it, let me tell you a story.

It is a story of the Courts of Women:

It was a dream of many years ago. It began in Asia through the Asian Women’s Human Rights Council who with several other women’s rights groups has held Courts in the Asia Pacific region; El Taller International, a sister organization based in Tunisia has taken these Courts to the other regions of the world- Africa, Arab, Central and Latin America.

The Courts of Women are an unfolding of a space, an imaginary: a horizon that invites us to think, to feel, to challenge, to connect, to dance, to dare to dream.

It is an attempt to define a new space for women, and to infuse this space with a new vision, a new politics. It is a gathering of voices and visions of the global south, locating itself in a discourse of dissent: in itself it is a dislocating practice, challenging the new world order of globalization, crossing lines, breaking new ground: listening to the voices and movements in the margins.

The Courts of Women seek to weave together the objective reality (through analyses of the issues) with the subjective testimonies of the women; the personal with the political; the logical with the lyrical (through video testimonies, artistic images and poetry) the personal with the political, urging us to discern fresh insights, offering us other ways to know, inviting us to seek deeper layers of knowledge; towards creating a new knowledge paradigm.

While the Courts of Women listen to the voices of the survivors, they also listen to the voices of women who resist, who rebel, who refuse to turn against their dreams. They hear the voices of women from the women’s and human rights movements; they hear of survival in the dailiness of life; they hear of women and movements resisting violence in its myriad forms- war, ethnicity, fundamentalism; they hear of women struggling for work, wages, their rights to the land; they hear of how they survive- of their knowledges, their wisdoms that have been inaudible, invisible. They hear challenges to the dominant human rights discourse, whose frames have excluded the knowledges of women. The Courts of Women hear of the need to extend the discourse to include the meanings and symbols and perspectives of women.

The Courts of Women are public hearings: the Court is used in a symbolic way. In the Courts, the voices of the survivors are listened to : women bring their personal testimonies of violence to the Court, which are sacred spaces where women, speaking in a language of suffering, name the crimes, seeking redress, even reparation.

It speaks of a new generation of women’s human rights.

It is an expression of a new imaginary that is finding different ways of speaking truth to power; of challenging power, recognizing that the concepts and categories enshrined in the ideas and institutions of our times are unable to grasp the violence; the Courts of Women are more than speaking truth to power, more than being a critic of power; it is about creating another authority. The Courts of Women also speak truth to the powerless, seeking the conscience of the world, creating reference points other than that of the rule of law, returning ethics to politics. It invites us to the decolonization of our structures, our minds and our imaginations; moving away from the master imaginary, finding worlds, as the Zapatista say, that embrace many worlds. The Courts of Women are about subsumed cultures, subjugated peoples, silenced women reclaiming their political voice and in breaking the silence refusing the conditions by which power maintains its patriarchal control.

The new imaginary invites us to another human rights discourse; one that will not be trapped either in the universalisms of the dominant thinking tied as it is to a market economy, a monoculturalism, a materialistic ethic and the politics and polity of the nation state; neither must it be caught in the discourse of the culture specific but one that will proffer universalisms that have been born out of a dialogue of civilizations, of cultures. And this will mean another ethic of dialogue. We need to find new perspectives on the universality of human rights, in dialogue with other cultural perspectives of reality, other notions of development, democracy, even dissent; other concepts of power (not power to control, power to hegemonize, but power to facilitate, to enhance) and governance; other notions of equality – equality makes us flat and faceless citizens of the nation state, perhaps the notion of dignity which comes from depth, from roots, could change the discourse. Through its very diverse voices, the Courts of Women speak of equality not in terms of sameness, but in terms of difference, a difference that is rooted in dignity, from the roots of peoples, of women who have been excluded, erased; other concepts of justice – justice without revenge that proffers many horizons of discourse and because our eyes do not as yet behold those horizons, it does not mean that those horizons do not exist. 

The new political imaginary speaks to an ethic of care :
The Courts of Women are an articulation of this new imaginary.

The Courts of Women invite us to write another history,
to re-tell history, to re-claim the power of memory:

A counter hegemonic history, a history of the margins. The Courts of Women are a journey of the margins, a journey rather than an imagined destination; a journey in which the  dailiness of our lives proffer possibilities for our imaginary, for survival and sustenance, for connectedness and community. For the idea of imaginary is inextricably linked to the personal, political and historical dimensions of community and identity. It is the dislocation expressed by particular social groups that makes possible the articulation of new imaginaries. These social groups, the margins, the homeless, the social movements, the Occupy movements, the Arab spring, the indigenous, the dalits, the women, are beginning to articulate these new imaginaries.

Women through the Courts are writing another history, giving private, individual memory its public face, its political significance; transforming memory and experience into political discourse. The Courts of Women are communities of the suffering, communities of the violated but they are also communities of survivors, of knowers, of healers, of seed keepers, of story tellers, of people telling history as a way of reclaiming memory and voice.

The peasants in Chiapas, Mexico, describing their new imaginary explain their core vision in their struggle for their livelihoods and for retaining their life worlds. And in their profound and careful organization, in their political imagining and vision do not offer clear, rigid, universal truths, knowing that the journey is in itself precious, sum up their vision in three little words :

asking, we walk.

The asking in itself challenges master narratives, masters’houses, houses of reason; universal truths, of power, of politics, of patriarchy. The Courts of invite us to dismantle the master’s house, for as the poet, Audre Lorde says the master’s tools will never dismantle the master’s house. There is an urgent need to challenge the centralising logic of the master’s narrative implicit in the dominant discourses –of class, of caste, of gender, of race. This dominant logic is a logic of violence and exclusion, a logic of civilised and uncivilised, a logic of superior and inferior.

This centralising logic must be decentered, must be interrupted, even disrupted.

The Courts of Women speak to this disruption, to this trespass. The Courts of Women are finding new paradigms of knowledge and new paradigms of politics; a politics with an ethic of care, compassion, community, connectedness, a politics with ethics, a political vision that can offer change for all.

The Courts of Women are our dreams of trespass.

The Courts of Women return through testimony, the voices of the dispossessed to political discourse. In its search towards a new political imaginary, the Courts of Women work towards a politics with an ethic of care; for any theory of poverty (poverty lines, the World Bank one-dollar-a day, millennium development goals, poverty reduction strategies etc) that is disconnected from a theory of care will not listen to the voice of the other and simply leave the poor out: the new political imaginary speaks to an ethic of care, affirming one’s responsibility to the other, an ethic that will include conviviality (that wonderful phrase of Ivan Illich). The discourse and praxis of rights cannot mean only economic and political emancipation, but must challenge the current paradigms of thought and politics.

The Courts of Women is a tribute to the human spirit: in which testimonies are not only heard but also legitimized. It invites the subjugated and the silenced, to articulate the crimes against them; it is a taking away of the legitimizing dominant ideologies and returning their life-worlds into their own hands. The Courts of Women celebrate the subversive voices, voices that disobey and disrupt the master narrative of war and occupation, of violence, of patriarchy, of poverty.

We need to find new spaces for our imaginations: gathering the subjugated knowledges, seeking ancient wisdoms with new visions, listening to the many voices speaking, but listening too to the many voices, unspoken.

The Courts of Women offer another lyric, another logic,
lifting the human spirit, creating a new imaginary,
offering another dream.

***

I remember a story, from another time, another place
another logic:
let me tell you the story:
a story of timeless care,
a story of another imaginary;
it is a story from Tagore on the Riches of the Poor.

Once upon a long ago and of yesterday,
it was a  time of darkness;
it was also a time of famine that was devastating the land of Shravasti
people gathered; poor people, hungry people

Lord Buddha looking at everybody asked his disciples:
who will feed these people? who will care for them?
who will feed these hungry people?

He looked at Ratnakar the banker, waiting for an answer:
Ratnakar, looked down and said: My Lord
but much more than all the wealth I have would be needed
to feed these hungry people;

Buddha then turned to Jaysen, who was the Chief of the King’s army
Jaysen said very quickly Of course my Lord I would give you my life
but there is not enough food in my house;

then, it was the turn of Dharampal who possessed large pastures; he
sighed and said the God of the wind has dried out our fields
and I do not know how I shall even pay the king’s taxes.

 The people listened, and were so hungry:
Supriya, the beggar’s daughter was in the gathering, listening too
as she raised her hand, she stood up and said:
I will take care of these people

how would she they thought, do this?
how will she, a beggar’s daughter with no material wealth,
how would she accomplish her wish?

but how will you do this? They chorused

Supriya gentle and strong looked at the gathering and said:
It is true that I am the poorest among you, but therein is my strength,
my treasure, my affluence, because I will find
all this at each of your doors.

Supriya’s words and actions come from another logic:
she refuses the logic of property, profit, patriarchy;
inviting us to another ethic of care.

she sees the poor as a community of people with dignity in a relational way;

not as individual separate units, and speaks for the many all over the world who are challenging the logic of the master  imaginary and trying to re-find  and re-build communities, regenerating women’s knowledges and wisdoms;

re-finding the dream for us all.

We need a different dream.

We need to invite each other to this different dream;
We need to re-imagine other ways to justice,
subverting patriarchal discourse,
trespassing untread terrain
weaving subjective text with objective context, moving us to deeper layers
of knowings, of tellings
listening to the many speaking, the many more unspoken
understanding those without a name, without a face, without a voice
standing with the rightless
refusing to separate the dancer from the dance.

for we are the dancers, yes
and we are also the dance!

we must re-imagine justice.

 

 

Corinne Kumar is Secretary General of El Taller International, which has pioneered Courts of Women around the world. She is also a founding member of the Asian Women’s Human Rights Council (AWHRC) and of Vimochana.

 

 

[i] Samih-al-Qasim, Palestine

 

#NoMoreImpunity || Blog Symposium || Annotated Bibliography on Gender, Torture and Transitional Justice

Standard

Annotated Bibliography on
Gender, Torture and Transitional Justice

Prepared by Mangalam Sridhar

 

  1. Gender  and  Torture  Conference  Report.  REDRESS  and  Amnesty International. October 2011. http://www.redress.org/downloads/publications/GenderandTortureConferenceReport-191011.pdf Accessed on 5/5/2016 at 1420 IST.

#Gender #Torture

The  report  is  a study  from  a  two-day  conference that   brought  in  people  from  different  dimensions like, representatives  from  Non – Governmental  Organisations  and  academics. The  report  focuses  on  the  definition  of  torture  as  per  the  international  law,  the  reasons  why  torture  is  considered  to  be  one  of  the most  serious  crimes  and  the  effects  of  the  different  forms  of  torture. It  looks  into  gender-based  violence  used  as  a  form  of  torture  by  state  actors  in  counter-terrorism  policies and  how  it  is  the  responsibility  of  the  state  when  torture  is  committed  by  the  non-state  actors. It  also  looks  at  the  international  legal  framework  implementing  the  prohibition  of  torture. They  discussed  on  the  role  that  legal  framework  on  torture  has  and  how  it  can  help  in  achieving  justice  for  women  and  those  from  marginalized  groups. It  also  considered  successes  in  advocacy  and  litigation  under  the  legal  framework  on  torture: it  recognised  the  forms  of  harms  by  state  and  non-state  actors  like,  female  genital  mutilation,  rape, etc. And  the  effects  this  recognition  has had.  It  also  focuses  on  the  responsibility  for  harms  by  non-state  actors.

  1. Torture  Research  Bibliography- Chris  Einolf, Assistant  Professor, DePaul University’s  School  of  Public  Service

https://tortureresearch.wordpress.com/Accessed on 6/5/2016 at 1930 IST

#Torture

This  research  bibliography  is  a  web  page  that  provides  academic  scholars, researchers  and  other  commoners  an  understanding  of  what  torture  is  and how  it  can  be  prevented.  It  provides  various  definitions  of  torture  including  the legal  definitions,  scholarly  definitions,  etc. It  also  provides  a  clear  study  on  the history  of  torture  in  the  different  eras. They  also  focus  on  the  micro  level  causes  that  facilitate  torture  like  military  training,  etc.  and  the  macro  level  causes. The  focus  on  gender is  given  in  the  study  about Rape  and  sexual  assault. And  they  have  finally  concluded  with  the  preventive  measures.

  1. Gender and Torture: Does it matter? Published by Centre for Study of Violence and Reconciliation, Johannesburg, South Africa

http://www.isn.ethz.ch/Digital-Library/Publications/Detail/?ots591=0c54e3b3-1e9c-be1e-2c24-a6a8c7060233&lng=en&id=179350 – Link for the PDF of the report. Accessed on 7/5/2016 at 1435 IST

#Gender #Torture

This  report  looks  at  the  different  ways  in  which  Gender  influences  the  impact  of  torture. It  aimed  at  developing  the  African  Torture  Rehabilitation  Model-  a  contextually – informed,  evidence – based  psychosocial  model  for  the  rehabilitation  of  victims  of  torture. They  looked  at  the  likelihood  of  Torture  Victimization, Impact  of  sexual  violence/ torture. The  study  had  three methodologies. It  also  looked  at  the  impacts  separately  for  men  and  women. And  then  a  consensus  was  built  and  interventions  were  proposed.  The  interventions  were  given  based  on  the  real-life  experiences  of  individuals.

  1. Gender  differences  in  Victims  of  War  Torture: Types  of  torture  and  psychological  consequences

http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/20499736 Accessed on 7/5/2016 at 1545 IST

#Gender #Torture

The  study  focused  on  torture  for  political  reasons  on  men  and  women  and  the  various  psychological  impacts  faces  by  them. They  also  looked  at  the  types  of  torture  that  men  and  women  faced  and  found  that  there  were  28  types  of  tortures  frequently  faced  by  men  and  5  among  women. Torture  types  also  revealed  three factors- Common  torture, sadistic  torture  and  sexual  torture. They  concluded  with  a  study  on  torture  faced  by  women  and  men  in  wars.

 

5.  Accountability  for  Past  Abuse- Juan  E.  Mendez, September 1996.

http://kellogg.nd.edu/publications/workingpapers/WPS/233.pdf Accessed on  8/5/2016  at  0015  IST

#TransitionalJustice

It  looks  into  the  massive  human  rights  violations  and  abuse  in  the  past  and  attempts  to  restore  truth  and  justice  to  the  legacy  of  abuse  in  the  recent  past. It  also  looks  at  various  dimensions  of  the  problem-  legal, political  and  ethical  dimensions. It  focuses  on  ways  to  look  into  these  problems  and  how  to  tackle  them.  It  also  mentions  the  different  measures  taken  by  various  countries  to  curb  these  problems,  and  looks  at  the  international  law. It  looks  for  ways  to  avoid  false  dilemmas  and  looks  for  moral  justifications  for  prosecutions  for  all  kinds  of  violations  committed  or  faced. Lastly,  it  looks  at  universal  principles  and  the  differences  between  countries  while  trying  to  find  solutions  for  the  violations  and  crimes.

 

  1. Gender  and  Transitional  Justice  in  Africa:  Progress  and  Prospects- Helen  Scanlon  and  Kelli  Muddell

http://www.ajol.info/index.php/ajcr/article/viewFile/52170/40796 Accessed  on  8/5/2016  at  1200 IST

#Africa #Gender #TransitionalJustice

This  study  looks  at  the  needs  to  address  the  gender-based  violations  and  the  needs  to  address  the  kinds  of  violations  that women  face.  It  also  looks  at  negative  impacts  that  follow  when  gender – based  violations  are  neglected. It  focuses  on  the  legal  mechanisms  and  the  international  law- its  importance  and  contributions. Then,  it  looks  at  providing  amends  or  reparations,  security  sector  reform (SSR), mechanisms, emerging  concerns  and  the  challenges  for  Gender  and Transitional  Justice.

 

  1. Convention  Against  Torture: A  viable  alternative  legal  remedy  for  domestic  violence  victims- Barbara  Cochrane  Alexander

http://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1277&context=auilr Accessed on 8/5/2016 at 1415 IST

#Gender #Torture

The  study  first  looks  at  torture – conventions  and  prohibitions, both  international  and  domestic. Then,  focuses  on  domestic  violence.  It  compares  Asylum  with  convention  against  torture(CAT)  relief  where, it  focuses  on  the  benefits  the  asylum provides  for  domestic  violence  victims, looks  at  the  requirements  for  the  survivor  of  domestic  violence  to  receive  CAT  reliefs  as  an  alternative  remedy.  There  is   a  detailed  study  on  domestic  violence, it  looks  into  case  studies  and  how  domestic  violence  is  a  form  of  torture.

 

  1. Gender  Inequality  and  its  effects  in  female  torture  survivors- Scientific  Research

http://file.scirp.org/pdf/PSYCH20120400009_94389582.pdf Accessed  on  8/5/2016  at  1420  IST

#Gender #Torture

It  gives  an  introduction  about  gender  inequality  and  torture  from  a  feminist  perspective, looks  at  gender  discrimination  as  a  form  of  trauma  that  has  adverse  effects  on  the  individual-  among  the  types  of  traumas,  this  focuses  on  type  III  trauma  which  is  one  of  the  most  serious  kinds. It  also  looks  at  the  different  dynamics  and  dimensions  of  gender  discrimination. And  there  is  study  conducted  on  gender  discrimination  for  females  and  males  in  different  areas.

 

  1. Transitional  Justice  in   Sri  Lanka  and  ways  forward- Centre  for  policy  alternatives- July  2005.

http://www.cpalanka.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/07/Transitional-Justice-in-Sri-Lanka-and-Ways-Forward.pdf Accessed  on  8/5/2016  at  1600  IST\

#SriLanka #TransitionalJustice

The  report  focuses  on  4  main  aspects  or  areas  for  study. They  are: Recruitment  and  conscription  of  Child  Soldiers,  Disappearances, Sexual  Violence  and  Displacement. Under  the  Recruitment  and  conscription  of  Child  Soldiers, they  look  at  the  definition  of  a  child  soldier,  use  of  child  soldiers, look  into  a  case  study  and  look  at  implementing  methods  to  stop  this  kind  of  a  violation  with the  involvement  of  the  truth  and  reconciliation  commission. Under  Disappearances, they  look  at  the  definition  of  enforced  disappearance,  the  issue  in  Sri  Lanka  and  look  into  a  case  study  where  they  focus  on  various  aspects  like, transition  of  leadership,  involvement  of  the  commission  of  inquiry,etc.  and  suggest  necessary  methods  to  avoid  these  problems. Under  Sexual  Violence, they  only  do  a  brief  study  on  Sexual  Violence  in  Sri  Lanka  and  look  into  a  case  study. Under  Internal  Displacement,  there  is  a  study  on the  issues  in  Sri  Lanka, how  it  has  affected  individuals  and  then  there  is  a  case  study  which  involves  the  National  Recovery  Strategy. Then,  the  importance  of  the  state’s  involvement  and  IDPs  involvement  is  looked  into.

 

  1.  Transitional  Justice  in  Sexual  and  Gender-based  Violence- Makau Mutua

http://www.pambazuka.org/gen//der-minorities/transitional-justice-sexual-and-gender-based-violence Accessed  on  8/5/2016  at  1930 IST

#TransitionalJustice #Gender

It  looks  at  the  need  and  the  importance  of  transitional  justice  to  solve  gender-based  problems. Looks  at  the  problems  women  face  due  to  patriarchy  and  male  centeredness. Focuses  on  early  stage  of  life, learning  and  socialisation  that  plays  an  important  role.  Looks  at  Sexual  and  gender  based  violence- women  and  girls  being  the  main  targets. And  then, legal  and  political  responses  are  looked  into.

 

  1. Gender  Justice-ICTJ

https://www.ictj.org/our-work/transitional-justice-issues/gender-justice Accessed on 8/5/2016  at  2300

#TransitionalJustice #Gender

Looks  at  the  prevalence  of  gender- based  violence  as  a  major  concern  and  looks  at  the  role  of  the  transitional  justice- its  mechanisms. They  also  mention  the  role  of  the  ICTJ like, how  they  support  local  women’s  groups, bring  activists  together,  etc.

 

  1. The  Gender  dimension  of  Transitional  Justice  Mechanisms: Laura.C.Turano

http://nyujilp.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/02/43.4-Turano.pdf Accessed  on  9/5/2016  at  0700  IST

#TransitionalJustice #Gender

Looks  at  the  war  crimes, violence  committed  against  women  during  armed  conflicts, etc. It  focuses  on  the  historical  treatment  of  crimes  committed  against  women  during  armed  conflict  where  we  can  see  that, rape  is  the  least  condemned  war  crime. And  it  also  looks  at  characterizing  the  crimes committed against  women  and  there  is  a  detailed  study, investigation  and  looking  at  ways  to  respect  and  respond  properly  to  the  victims.

 

  1. Torture, Cruel, Inhuman and degrading treatment of Women: Psychological Consequences- Libby Tata Arcel

http://ojs.statsbiblioteket.dk/index.php/psyke/article/viewFile/8530/7087 Accessed  on  11/05/2016  at  1000  IST

#Torture #Gender

This  report  starts  with  an  introduction  on  Torture  and  gender-specific  forms  of  torture. They  look  at  the  important  reason  for  focusing  general  societal  violence  against  women  and  it  looks  at  the  branch  of  human  rights  law. They focus  on  the  World  Conference  on  Human  Rights. Then, they  look  at  the  definition  of  gender-based  violence  and  how  this  definition  is  connected  to  the  definition  of  torture.  They  focus  on  sexual  torture  and  Cruel, Inhuman, Degrading, Treatment  and  Punishment (CIDTP) of  women  by  State  Agents-  This  looks  at  the  definitions  and  forms  of  Sexual  Assault.  It  also  focuses  on   specific  contexts  of  Sexual  Torture  and  CIDTP  like,  Armed  Conflict,  detention  for  various  reasons, etc. Then, they  focus  on  impunity  for  sexual  torturers, recognition  of  rape  as  a  sexual  torture  and  finally  looks  at  the  experience   of  sexual  torture.

 

  1.   Report  on  Gender  Perspectives  on  Torture  and  other  cruel,  inhuman  and degrading  treatment:  Juan.E.Mendez

http://antitorture.org/gender-perspectives-2/ Accessed  on  15/05/2016  at  1530 IST

#Gender #Torture

Firstly, it  talks  about  the  gender  perspectives  on  torture and  other  cruel  or  inhuman  treatment. The  rapporteur  stresses  on  the  applicability  of  the  prohibition  of  torture  and  other  inhuman  treatment  in  international  law  to  the  experiences  of  women, men, transgenders, lesbian, etc. It  focuses  on  the  legal  framework  for  the  need  to  apply  the  convention  against  torture  and  other  inhuman  treatment. They  also  look  at  how  violence, discrimination, etc.  is  not  just  faced  by  women  but  also  by  men,  looks  at  the  purpose  of  the  definition  of  torture  and  how  it  is  fulfilled. Then, it  separately  focuses  on  the  torture  and  other  kinds  of  ill-treatment  faced  by  women, transgenders, lesbian, etc. in detention, health  care  settings, looks  at  the  different kinds  of  abuse  or  violence  like  Rape, Domestic  violence, etc.  and  looks  at  the  various  measures  like,  health  care  and  sanitation, security, etc. It  also  focuses  on  the  different  harmful  practices  like  female genital mutilation, honour- based  violence,  etc. and  the  access  for  women, transgenders, etc  to  justice.

 

#NoMoreImpunity || Blog Symposium || Re-imagining Justice: The Courts of Women Story

Standard

RE-IMAGINING JUSTICE: THE COURTS OF WOMEN STORY

(An extract from a longer essay, Trespass, or Re-imagining Justice.)

Corinne Kumar

Let me gather some stars and make a fire for you and sitting around it, let me tell you a story.

It is a story of the Courts of Women.

It was a dream of many years ago. It began in Asia through the Asian Women’s Human Rights Council who with several other women’s rights groups has held Courts in the Asia Pacific region; El Taller International, a sister organization based in Tunisia has taken these Courts to the other regions of the world- Africa, Arab, Central and Latin America.

The Courts of Women are an unfolding of a space, an imaginary: a horizon that invites us to think, to feel, to challenge, to connect, to dance, to dare to dream.

It is an attempt to define a new space for women, and to infuse this space with a new vision, a new politics. It is a gathering of voices and visions of the global south, locating itself in a discourse of dissent: in itself it is a dislocating practice, challenging the new world order of globalization, crossing lines, breaking new ground: listening to the voices and movements in the margins.

The Courts of Women seek to weave together the objective reality (through analyses of the issues) with the subjective testimonies of the women; the personal with the political; the logical with the lyrical (through video testimonies, artistic images and poetry) the personal with the political, urging us to discern fresh insights, offering us other ways to know, inviting us to seek deeper layers of knowledge; towards creating a new knowledge paradigm.

While the Courts of Women listen to the voices of the survivors, they also listen to the voices of women who resist, who rebel, who refuse to turn against their dreams. They hear the voices of women from the women’s and human rights movements; they hear of survival in the dailiness of life; they hear of women and movements resisting violence in its myriad forms- war, ethnicity, fundamentalism; they hear of women struggling for work, wages, their rights to the land; they hear of how they survive- of their knowledges, their wisdoms that have been inaudible, invisible. They hear challenges to the dominant human rights discourse, whose frames have excluded the knowledges of women. The Courts of Women hear of the need to extend the discourse to include the meanings and symbols and perspectives of women.

The Courts of Women are public hearings: the Court is used in a symbolic way. In the Courts, the voices of the survivors are listened to: women bring their personal testimonies of violence to the Court, which are sacred spaces where women, speaking in a language of suffering, name the crimes, seeking redress, even reparation.

It speaks of a new generation of women’s human rights.

It is an expression of a new imaginary that is finding different ways of speaking truth to power; of challenging power, recognizing that the concepts and categories enshrined in the ideas and institutions of our times are unable to grasp the violence; the Courts of Women are more than speaking truth to power, more than being a critic of power; it is about creating another authority. The Courts of Women also speak truth to the powerless, seeking the conscience of the world, creating reference points other than that of the rule of law, returning ethics to politics. It invites us to the decolonization of our structures, our minds and our imaginations; moving away from the master imaginary, finding worlds, as the Zapatista say, that embrace many worlds. The Courts of Women are about subsumed cultures, subjugated peoples, silenced women reclaiming their political voice and in breaking the silence refusing the conditions by which power maintains its patriarchal control.

The new imaginary invites us to another human rights discourse; one that will not be trapped either in the universalisms of the dominant thinking tied as it is to a market economy, a monoculturalism, a materialistic ethic and the politics and polity of the nation state; neither must it be caught in the discourse of the culture specific but one that will proffer universalisms that have been born out of a dialogue of civilizations, of cultures. And this will mean another ethic of dialogue. We need to find new perspectives on the universality of human rights, in dialogue with other cultural perspectives of reality, other notions of development, democracy, even dissent; other concepts of power (not power to control, power to hegemonize, but power to facilitate, to enhance) and governance; other notions of equality – equality makes us flat and faceless citizens of the nation state, perhaps the notion of dignity which comes from depth, from roots, could change the discourse. Through its very diverse voices, the Courts of Women speak of equality not in terms of sameness, but in terms of difference, a difference that is rooted in dignity, from the roots of peoples, of women who have been excluded, erased; other concepts of justice—justice without revenge that proffers many horizons of discourse and because our eyes do not as yet behold those horizons, it does not mean that those horizons do not exist.

The new political imaginary speaks to an ethic of care:

The Courts of Women are an articulation of this new imaginary.

The Courts of Women invite us to write another history,

to re-tell history, to re-claim the power of memory:

A counter hegemonic history, a history of the margins. The Courts of Women are a journey of the margins, a journey rather than an imagined destination; a journey in which the  dailiness of our lives proffer possibilities for our imaginary, for survival and sustenance, for connectedness and community. For the idea of imaginary is inextricably linked to the personal, political and historical dimensions of community and identity. It is the dislocation expressed by particular social groups that makes possible the articulation of new imaginaries. These social groups, the margins, the homeless, the social movements, the Occupy movements, the Arab spring, the indigenous, the dalits, the women, are beginning to articulate these new imaginaries.

Women through the Courts are writing another history, giving private, individual memory its public face, its political significance; transforming memory and experience into political discourse. The Courts of Women are communities of the suffering, communities of the violated but they are also communities of survivors, of knowers, of healers, of seed keepers, of story tellers, of people telling history as a way of reclaiming memory and voice.

The peasants in Chiapas, Mexico, describing their new imaginary explain their core vision in their struggle for their livelihoods and for retaining their life worlds. And in their profound and careful organization, in their political imagining and vision do not offer clear, rigid, universal truths, knowing that the journey is in itself precious, sum up their vision in three little words :

asking, we walk.

The asking in itself challenges master narratives, masters’ houses, houses of reason; universal truths, of power, of politics, of patriarchy. The Courts of invite us to dismantle the master’s house, for as the poet, Audre Lorde says the master’s tools will never dismantle the master’s house. There is an urgent need to challenge the centralising logic of the master’s narrative implicit in the dominant discourses –of class, of caste, of gender, of race. This dominant logic is a logic of violence and exclusion, a logic of civilised and uncivilised, a logic of superior and inferior.

This centralising logic must be decentered, must be interrupted, even disrupted. 

The Courts of Women speak to this disruption, to this trespass. The Courts of Women are finding new paradigms of knowledge and new paradigms of politics; a politics with an ethic of care, compassion, community, connectedness, a politics with ethics, a political vision that can offer change for all.

The Courts of Women are our dreams of trespass.

The Courts of Women return through testimony, the voices of the dispossessed to political discourse. In its search towards a new political imaginary, the Courts of Women work towards a politics with an ethic of care; for any theory of poverty (poverty lines, the World Bank one-dollar-a day, millennium development goals, poverty reduction strategies, etc.) that is disconnected from a theory of care will not listen to the voice of the other and simply leave the poor out: the new political imaginary speaks to an ethic of care, affirming one’s responsibility to the other, an ethic that will include conviviality (that wonderful phrase of Ivan Illich). The discourse and praxis of rights cannot mean only economic and political emancipation, but must challenge the current paradigms of thought and politics.

The Courts of Women is a tribute to the human spirit: in which testimonies are not only heard but also legitimized. It invites the subjugated and the silenced, to articulate the crimes against them; it is a taking away of the legitimizing dominant ideologies and returning their life-worlds into their own hands. The Courts of Women celebrate the subversive voices, voices that disobey and disrupt the master narrative of war and occupation, of violence, of patriarchy, of poverty.

We need to find new spaces for our imaginations: gathering the subjugated knowledges, seeking ancient wisdoms with new visions, listening to the many voices speaking, but listening too to the many voices, unspoken.

The Courts of Women offer another lyric, another logic,

lifting the human spirit, creating a new imaginary,

offering another dream.

Corinne Kumar is Secretary General of El Taller International, which has pioneered Courts of Women around the world. She is also a founding member of the Asian Women’s Human Rights Council (AWHRC) and of Vimochana.

 

#NoMoreImpunity || Blog Symposium || Women’s Participation in Transitional Justice

Standard

WOMEN’S PARTICIPATION IN TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE: STILL FAR TO GO

Sumadhu Weerawarne-Perera

The experience of war and violent conflict is a gendered one. Its impact on men and women is different. The first round impact of violent conflict includes death and disability, impacting mostly on men, sexual and gender-based violence, widowhood, loss of income, assets and related security and displacement and migration.  The second round of impacts centres on adaptive responses or what victims or victim-families and communities to deal with the consequences of the first round.  These include the necessary induction of women in to civic and economic activities, the attempt to ignore the impacts of violence-related trauma in the effort to inadequately move-on and resultant impact on the women themselves and children.[i]

The possible third round impact relates to state responses to those issues that gave cause and arose out of violent-conflict.  In determining and designing these it is evident that the experience of both men and women during, due to and post-war must be taken into account. But the engagement of men and women in post war contexts is different. Patriarchy determines the space for women’s participation, the depth of women’s participation and the value and relevance accorded to women’s thinking and opinions. Just as much as women made little or no contribution in terms of decision making in the war effort, formally they are not being drawn in equal and representative terms to the transition/ reconciliation process. Most victim survivors of conflict are women – war widows in the north and south, but their participation in determining post war responses is minimal. And the engagement of men and women from a gendered lens is also limited or non-existent.

The presence of women in parliament went down from 5.7 per cent at the last general election.[ii]  This necessarily means that even in terms of numbers women are severely underrepresented in key decision making bodies which determine the policy direction of the government in relation to transition from war to peace.  When Parliament converted into a Constitutional Assembly for the first time in April this year it was with the aim of enacting a new constitution.   Accordingly, 7 deputy chairpersons and 21 steering committee members were elected by the Constitutional Assembly.  Only one of them, a deputy chairperson, is a woman.  Not one of its 21 members of the steering committee which is responsible for coming up with the draft constitution was a woman.   The Prime Minister informed Parliament that appointments for sub committees will be carried out after receiving the report from the Committee on Constitutional Reforms Public Representation before end April. No objections were raised by the opposition when appointing members for the Constitutional Assembly. [iii]

While there is a recognition in Sri Lanka today that a peaceful and just society requires multi ethnic and multi religious representation in decision making, there is still no recognition that men cannot, and should not, seek to represent the  interests of the entirety of society, when more than half of the population of Sri Lanka are women.

The exclusion of women from decision making in Sri Lanka at the highest levels through what appears to be a bi-partisan consensus in the Constitutional Assembly is not a positive sign for a transformation of the polity or its governance. There is a need for civil society to encourage more and more women with qualifications to come forward for public life.  There is also a need for the government to use, as a living and active policy, every opportunity for affirmative action in favour of women, such as in the constitutional reform process and the Constitutional Assembly.  A gendered-response is fundamental to effectively address post-conflict –problems and to build necessary resilience in communities and sustainable peace in the country.  However, efforts so far see limited women’s representative or effective participation.  This is concerning as a generic response without taking into account the heterogeneity of experiences across gender and other disaggregates like geography, ethnicity, age and social class may prove to be non-effective further fuelling the existing problems and cleavages.

On the other hand, the picture is not totally bleak.  At the local government level, legislation was introduced early this year in March to increase the participation of women with a dedicated quota of 25 per cent. This will clearly contribute to improved representation in terms of numbers, at least at the local government level and give some level of voice to women. This has yet to come into effect as no local government election has been held since then.   In addition, the government has announced that the Provincial Councils Elections Act No. 2 of 1988 is to be amended to include a 30 percent quota for women during the nomination of candidates.[iv]  However, the government has also stated that no similar quota will be provided at the parliamentary level and that the expectation is that increased women’s representation in higher levels of governance will take place through the upward mobility of women from the local level.

The basic analysis is from the point of view of inclusion that women represent women best and must necessarily be included in all decision-making processes.  Sri Lanka is today in a post-war transformative state. The transitional justice mechanisms that the government has pledged to set up, including the truth commission, office of missing persons and office of reparations will necessarily see women playing a major role as victim-survivors.  The first of the government’s transitional justice institutions to emerge, the office of missing persons, has special provision for gender concerns in it “to issue from time to time, rules and guidelines, which may include gender-sensitive policies, to be followed by all staff of the OMP relating to the exercise, performance and discharge of its powers, duties and functions.”[v] Those women who participate in these and other decision making forums need to empowered and on par with their male counterparts.  There is a need to be focused on capacity-building and inclusion of women in the transition and reconciliation process.

Sumadhu Weerawarne-Perera is a journalist and communications consultant.

 

[i]    Violent Conflict and Gender Inequality: An Overview by Mayra Buvinic, Monica Das Gupta, Ursula Casabonne  and Philip Verwimp, H i C N Households in Conflict Network, The Institute of Development Studies – at the University of Sussex – Falmer – Brighton – BN1 9RE, http://www.hicn.org

http://www.hicn.org/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2012/06/HiCN-WP-1291.pdf

[ii]   https://www.parliament.lk/lady-members

[iii] Ensure equitable women’s representation in constitutional reform’ National Peace Council of Sri Lanka, http://srilankamirror.com/news/item/10008-ensure-equitable-women-s-representation-in-constitutional-reform

[iv]   http://www.srilankanewslive.com/news/politics2/item/8259-provincial-councils-elections-act-to-be-amended

[v]  THE GAZETTE OF THE DEMOCRATIC SOCIALIST REPUBLIC OF SRI LANKA Part II of May 27, 2016  SUPPLEMENT (Issued on 27. 05. 2016)

#NoMoreImpunity || Blog Symposium || Trials of Sexual Violence in Conflict against Men

Standard

CRIMINAL TRIALS AND TRIBULATIONS OF CONFLICT-RELATED SEXUAL VIOLENCE AGAINST MEN

Anjali Manivannan

Introduction

It is common knowledge today that rape and sexual violence are weapons of war. What is less commonly known is that war puts both women and men at risk of rape and sexual violence. In the post-conflict era, transitional justice processes must wrestle with achieving accountability for mass atrocities, including sexual violence crimes, and the challenges inherent in finding meaningful ways to redress victims. This contribution will discuss the obstacles to and effectiveness of justice for male victims of conflict-related sexual violence in the context of prosecutions—with the caveat that other transitional justice mechanisms, like truth commissions, also tend to significantly sideline these victims. Conflict-related sexual violence against men is a salient topic in many war-torn and postwar countries today, including Sri Lanka, which is presented here as a case study to highlight the complexities of the issue. Prosecutions of this crime are necessary to both provide accountability for Tamil male victims of sexual violence and end impunity for gross human rights violations.

Sexual Violence Is a Weapon Used Against Both Women and Men

The use of sexual violence against men dates back to ancient times and remains a widespread and recurring war tactic.[1] Against men, conflict-related sexual violence may be even more widespread than we think; unfortunately, due to enormous under-reporting, statistics are limited. Conflict-related sexual violence can terrorize and traumatize males as much as females and is committed against the backdrop of patriarchal norms of dominance, power, and gender. Perpetrators of sexual violence against men use it as a tool to emasculate or feminize, homosexualize, and prevent procreation, the last of which is also one of many reasons women are sexually violated. All three motivations aim to privilege perpetrators over male victims, in keeping with the patriarchal frameworks that are arguably even more entrenched during hypermasculinized situations like war.

Conflict-related sexual violence against men takes many forms. The reality of the harms suffered goes against popular perception, which holds that sexual violence against men is analogous to the experiences of women and takes the form of rape. Instead, conflict-related sexual violence against men includes not only oral and anal rape by perpetrators or “enforced rape” between victims, but also enforced sterilization, including castrations; sexual slavery; forced masturbation; enforced nudity; and other violence to the genitals, such as genital beatings.[2] Given this wide range of sexual violence harms, when the conception of sexual violence against men is reduced to rape, non-penetrative acts are mischaracterized as non-sexual violence. Misidentification of these crimes ignores numerous victims and conceals different gendered experiences of sexual violence. It also reinforces stereotypes of men as perpetrators and women as victims, instead of addressing the varied positions of men and women during war and postwar periods. Moreover, a complete picture of human rights violations, against men and women, sexual and non-sexual, is necessary to determine the form and substance of transitional justice to move the country forward.

Victories and Shortcomings of International Criminal Trials for Male Victims

Under international law, victims have a right to remedies and reparations for human rights violations. This includes the right to effective justice, which may be fulfilled through prosecutions of perpetrators. Accordingly, criminal trials are an important, arguably essential, component of transitional justice. They mete out retributive justice, contribute to ending impunity for mass atrocities, and potentially deter the future commission of such crimes.

Unfortunately, most of the time, conflict-related sexual violence against men is not prosecuted. When it is, this crime is rarely characterized as sexual violence with attached consequences.[3] Thankfully, this appears to be changing, particularly at the International Criminal Court (ICC). In March 2016, the ICC handed down a landmark decision in the Bemba case, in which the accused was found guilty of crimes against humanity and war crimes, including rape.[4] Bemba had the first indictment charging sexual violence against men as rape and the first conviction for rape based on the testimony of male victims in international criminal jurisprudence.

The sexual violence against men in Bemba concerned rape. There is still, however, a need for progress in non-rape crimes of sexual violence against men. For example, in the ICC’s now-dropped Kenyatta case, the Pre-Trial Chamber rejected the prosecution’s charges of forcible circumcision and penile amputation as “other forms of sexual violence.” The Pre-Trial Chamber ignored the sexual nature of these acts and their intent to destroy men’s identities and masculinities, ultimately subsuming these crimes into “other inhumane acts.”[5] In this respect, we have not come far from the first international criminal trial for sexual violence and sexual violence against men: the Tadić case at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) nearly twenty years ago. Tadić was convicted, but his crimes of sexual violence against men were subsumed under “cruel treatment” and “inhumane acts.”[6] Today, overcoming the hurdles to prosecuting conflict-related sexual violence against men remains critical to transitional justice everywhere, as illustrated in Sri Lanka’s nascent accountability processes.

Case Study of Sri Lanka: The Need for Internationalized Prosecutions of Conflict-Related Sexual Violence Against Men

Sri Lanka’s protracted civil war ended violently in May 2009 following the government’s decisive defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), also known as the “Tamil Tigers.” Twenty-six years of fighting bore witness to violations of human rights and the laws of war committed by both sides. The government, however, was the only party responsible for sexual violence, which its security forces perpetrated and continue to perpetrate against women and men on an equal basis. Since the breakdown of the Norwegian-brokered ceasefire in 2006, numerous forms of sexual violence against Tamil male detainees have been reported. These acts include rape, often by inserting objects such as pipes and barbed wire into the anus; forcing detainees to perform oral sex on security forces; crushing, beating, kicking, and burning the genital area; inserting thin rods, metal, or wire into the penis; and placing chili powder on the genital area.[7] Security forces often perpetrated acts of rape and sexual violence alongside other kinds of torture. Unfortunately, the perpetrators of conflict-related sexual violence against both women and men continue to enjoy impunity.

In Sri Lanka, as in many postwar countries, justice is a painstakingly slow process; seven years after the war ended, the implementation of transitional justice processes is only just getting underway. However, the government continues to drag its feet, despite co-sponsoring UN Human Rights Council Resolution 30/1 (October 2015), which recommended prosecutions of alleged war criminals. In fact, the government has since backtracked on significant commitments to the Human Rights Council by forbidding international involvement in justice and accountability processes. Sri Lanka’s rejection of international participation naturally has strong implications for achieving credible justice for Tamil victims in general. It also precludes criminal accountability for conflict-related sexual violence against men.

Domestic capacity to prosecute mass atrocities is often non-existent or greatly compromised in the aftermath of war, exacerbating the difficulties in addressing conflict-related sexual violence. Accordingly, a best practice for the prosecution of conflict-related sexual violence is appointing advisers with legal expertise on this specific issue. Due to the large number of male victims, expertise in investigating and prosecuting conflict-related sexual violence against women and men is necessary to secure justice in Sri Lanka. However, as the Kenyatta case shows, even an international court staffed with experts may struggle with addressing non-penetrative acts of sexual violence against men. Given the widespread lack of specialists and experts on conflict-related sexual violence against men across the board, it is extremely unlikely that such professionals exist domestically in Sri Lanka. Instead, Sri Lanka must allow all of its transitional justice mechanisms to incorporate substantive and technical assistance from international partners. Such involvement is essential to the credibility and success of all justice initiatives, including non-criminal accountability processes, and experts should thus be actively invited to assist Sri Lanka.

Due to the misunderstandings and mischaracterizations involved in investigating and prosecuting conflict-related sexual violence against men, sexual violence and gender experts are critical to criminal justice. The lessons learned from international criminal jurisprudence on sexual violence against men, albeit limited, must be applied to Sri Lanka. Tamil men and women alike must receive recognition, remedies, and reparation for any sexual violence suffered.

Unfortunately, as long as Sri Lanka refuses to allow outside experts, perpetrators who have continued to rape and otherwise sexually violate Tamil men—again, on an equal basis with women—are unlikely to even be charged for this particular crime. Postwar countries like Sri Lanka with high-levels of conflict-related sexual violence against men must implement trials that are expertized and equipped to effectively investigate and prosecute both rape and non-penetrative sexual violence against men. The international community must ensure that Sri Lanka heed the call to internationalize its transitional justice processes in order to punish and deter conflict-related sexual violence against both women and men.

Anji Manivannan is a New York-based human rights lawyer and longtime advocate for justice in Sri Lanka.

Bibliography

Nimmi Gowrinathan & Kate Cronin-Furman, The Forever Victims? Tamil Women in Post-War Sri Lanka (2015), http://www.deviarchy.com/wp/wp-content/uploads/2015/09/The-Forever-Victims-Tamil-Women-in-Post-War-Sri-Lanka.pdf.

International Truth & Justice Project Sri Lanka, A Still Unfinished War: Sri Lanka’s Survivors of Torture and Sexual Violence 2009–2015 (2015), http://www.itjpsl.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/07/Stop-Torture-Report.pdf

Anjali Manivannan, Seeking Justice for Male Victims of Sexual Violence in Armed Conflict, 46 N.Y.U. Journal of International Law & Politics 635 (2014), http://nyujilp.org/wp-content/uploads/2010/06/46.2-Manivannan.pdf

Sandesh Sivakumaran, Lost in Translation: UN Responses to Sexual Violence Against Men and Boys in Situations of Armed Conflict, 92 International Review of the Red Cross 259 (2010), http://www.icrc.org/eng/assets/files/other/irrc-877-sivakumaran.pdf.

Sandesh Sivakumaran, Sexual Violence Against Men in Armed Conflict, 18 European Journal of International Law 253 (2007), http://ejil.org/pdfs/18/2/224.pdf.

People for Equality and Relief in Lanka, Withering Hopes (2015), http://pearlaction.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/Withering-Hopes-PEARL.pdf.

Prosecutor v. Muthaura, Kenyatta & Ali, Case No. ICC-01/09-02/11, Decision on the Confirmation of Charges Pursuant to Article 61(7)(a) and (b) of the Rome Statute (January 23, 2012), https://www.icc-cpi.int/CourtRecords/CR2012_01006.PDF.

Prosecutor v. Gombo, Case No. ICC-01/05-01/08, Judgment (March 21, 2016), https://www.icc-cpi.int/CourtRecords/CR2016_02238.PDF.

Prosecutor v. Tadić, Case No. IT-94-1-T, Opinion and Judgment (May 7, 1997), http://www.icty.org/x/cases/tadic/tjug/en/tad-tsj70507JT2-e.pdf.

U.N. OHCHR, Report of the OHCHR Investigation on Sri Lanka (OISL), U.N. Doc. A/HRC/30/CRP.2 (September 16, 2015), http://www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/HRC/RegularSessions/Session30/Documents/A.HRC.30.CRP.2_E.docx.

 

[1] The Ancient Chinese, Egyptian, Greek, Norse, and Persian armies perpetrated acts of sexual violence against men. Much more recently, sexual violence against men has also occurred in armed conflicts in Argentina, Burundi, the Central African Republic, Chechnya, Chile, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, El Salvador, Greece, Guatemala, Iraq, Kenya, Kuwait, Liberia, Northern Ireland, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Turkey, Uganda, the former Yugoslavia, and Zimbabwe. Sandesh Sivakumaran, Sexual Violence Against Men in Armed Conflict, 18 European Journal of International Law 253, 257–58 (2007).

[2] Id. at 263.

[3] Sandesh Sivakumaran, Lost in Translation: UN Responses to Sexual Violence Against Men and Boys in Situations of Armed Conflict, 92 International Review of the Red Cross 259, 272–73 (2010).

[4] Prosecutor v. Gombo, Case No. ICC-01/05-01/08, Judgment (March 21, 2016).

[5] Prosecutor v. Muthaura, Kenyatta & Ali, Case No. ICC-01/09-02/11, Decision on the Confirmation of Charges Pursuant to Article 61(7)(a) and (b) of the Rome Statute, ¶¶ 254, 264–66 (January 23, 2012).

[6] This was the first case before the ICTY in which sexual violence against men was prosecuted. Tadić forced two male detainees to perform oral sex on each other and also forced a male detainee to sexually mutilate another by hitting and biting his genitals until one testicle was bitten off. Prosecutor v. Tadić, Case No. IT-94-1-T, Opinion and Judgment (May 7, 1997).

[7] U.N. OHCHR, Report of the OHCHR Investigation on Sri Lanka (OISL), ¶¶ 571, 594, 600, U.N. Doc. A/HRC/30/CRP.2 (September 16, 2015).