The Aramporul Sisterhood Programme Manifestos

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10.3.24 

Aramporul Manifestos 

Group 1 

  1. Policies to support migrant workers in TN ( following a discussion on the precarity of labour and gendered implication of the same) 
  2. Rigorous implementation and immediate justice in case of crimes against women 
  3. Free education on women’s safety/awareness 
  4. Increase reservation for women up to 50% 
  5. Provide concrete employment support for women (proper reach of opportunities, help through the application process in the case of government positions that are publicly advertised, etc) 
  6. Legal literacy for women 
  7. Mental health support for women- Helpline number and centre to reach out in times of depression 
  8. Closure of wine shops 
  9. Opportunities for women 
  10. Ensure proper medical services in government hospitals for women 
  11. 24/7 water supply (following discussion on infrastructure and gender) 

Group 2 

  1. Ban TASMAC
  2. Free medical service 
  3. Equal educational opportunities 
  4. Employment and equality in jobs 
  5. Midnight transport facility 
  6. Reduce the price of LPG cylinder 
  7. Immediate and expedited action in cases of misbehavior with women 
  8. Creating a community/support network for women engaged in household work
  9. Legal safeguards for intercaste-interreligious marriages and couples 
  10. More free buses with CCTV

Group 3 

  1. Severe punishment for women abuse 
  2. Awareness programs for (male)students regarding women’s safety 
  3. Policies to promote small-scale women entrepreneurs in rural areas 
  4. Equal opportunities in every field- be it politics or sports 
  5. Fulfill the need for public transport, especially during nighttime for women 
  6. Need for women’s care centers in Urban and Rural areas 
  7. Severe punishment for parents involved in cases of child marriage 
  8. Improve political and technical training for women rather than focusing on theory education 
  9. Proper garbage disposal (not dumping in-ground or polluting the oceans)
  10. Improve roads 
  11. Good quality mid-day meals 
  12. Good public transport infrastructure 
  13. Severe action for drugs 
  14. Maternity benefits- free medicines, treatment, etc 
  15. Support and skill training for women to enter the workforce after maternity 

The Ethiraj Manifesto

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7.3.24

The Ethiraj Manifesto 

Women 

  1. To ensure installation/working condition of cameras in private/government transportation 
  2. Free and accessible public toilets 
  3. Feeding rooms for women 
  4. Gender and Sexuality education in schools/institutions 
  5. Policies to ensure fair pay in the workplace 

Education 

    1.  Human Rights education in all institutions 
    2.  Government scholarships for women students 
    3.  Additional support for marginalized students 
    4.  Sensitisation re. laws/policies (legal literacy for women) 

Employment 

  1. Implement Gig Workers Safety Act 
  2. Ensure job security for daily wage workers 
  3. Policies that ensure proper recognition and support of sex workers 
  4. Pay parity in the workplace 
  5. Safety in workplace 

Climate Change 

  1. Segregation of waste at source (dignity of labour for waste workers) 
  2. Climate action plan that acknowledges the intersection between gender and climate 
  3. Comprehensive environmental education for all 

Transportation 

  1. Frequent buses 
  2. Sensitisation programs for drivers and conductors 

Manifesting a Gender-Just Vision for India

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In March 2024, the Prajnya team–Programme Associate Divya Prabha S. and volunteer Maya Karthikeyan–facilitated two workshops with young students around gender issues in the upcoming election season.

These informal but structured conversations open with a broad discussion on the issues participants connected with ‘elections.’ A discussion follows on how elections become gendered, on women’s representation and the challenges to ensuring it and finally, policy and procedural changes that would help. The facilitators take and urge an intersectional view on these matters, enabling solutions that serve social justice most inclusively.

The workshops culminated in participants forming groups, each of which discussed and drafted a manifesto of their own. We are sharing these and future manifestos on this blog. They reflect what young women in India care about and would like political parties to consider important measures.

If you would like to host such a workshop in your college or club, please drop us a line at prajnyatrust@gmail.com.

THE FEMALE VOTE-BANK PARADOX

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By Avanti Nayal
with inputs from Punya Chowksey, Aariya Thoumoung and Srijani Mukhopadhyay
[i]

A democracy cannot function without its people. The decision is in the hands of those who have the power to vote. However, given that power lies in the hands of the people, election campaigning (and the schemes and policies highlighted through them) is marked by numerous speeches that relentlessly attempt to strike a chord with their audience – certain trends were ubiquitous in the 2024 November round of state Assembly elections in India.

The Gender Equality Election Watch team at Prajnya has been monitoring news media for gendered hate speech during election campaigns and other gender inequality markers. The observations in this blogpost draw from the six weeks of the 2024 State Assembly election campaigns in Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Mizoram, Rajasthan and Telangana. In this period, there were no reported instances of gendered hate speech. However, we made note of other ways in which gender became salient.

Manifesto promises aplenty…

The incumbent party and its rivals targeted women voters. The BJP’s Laadli Behen Yojna[ii] (which contributed significantly to their win in MP) promised to deposit an amount directly into the banks of women who fell within a specific family income range. The Congress’ promised to provide 10,000 rupees to the women heads of families in Rajasthan[iii]. In Telangana too, The Congress promised women free travel on RTC buses, LPG cylinders at a price of Rs.500 etc.[iv]

…But few women candidates

In Madhya Pradesh for instance, both the BJP and The Congress’ candidate list included but a small proportion of women candidates (less than 15 percent were women)[v]. In Rajasthan too, only 14 percent of the candidates fielded by Congress were women while 10 percent of BJP’s candidates fell in the same category[vi]. In Telangana too, there were merely 221 women candidates (the total number of candidates being over 2000).[vii]

Misogynistic culture, misogynistic politics

Elections don’t take place in a vacuum. The misogyny that’s pervasive in our patriarchal society has a significant effect on election campaign(s). What else could explain the outrage that ensued after Congress nominated (in Mizoram) a candidate who married outside of her community[viii]. She was no longer recognised as a Mizo by huge swathes of the population. This is but a testament to the patriarchal notions that dictate the boundaries of communities. It begs the question- would a man receive the same treatment for marrying a non-Mizo?

Through this article, our aim is to throw light on the contradictions that prevail in election manifestos (and subsequently in the campaigns). Certainly, all of the campaigning culminates in an election win (or a loss) for the parties involved. But, it is crucial to analyse the means to the end. The acknowledgement of their agency is essential because it would prevent them from being reduced to a mere vote-bank. The facilitation of adequate representation of all the genders is crucial to ensuring the ability to helm change isn’t concentrated in the hands of men. Women played a pivotal role in bringing people to power, and are competent enough to bring in their lived experiences to the table to foster change. Women are people with feelings and opinions and the ability to act on their concerns. They are more than a vote-bank.


[i] Avanti, Punya, Aariya and Srijani are all students at KREA University.

[ii] Dwary and Bose. “Why “Ladli Behna” Became Shivraj Chouhan’s Masterstroke in Election Year.” NDTV.com, http://www.ndtv.com/india-news/shivraj-singh-chouhan-ladli-behna-madhya-pradesh-election-2023-why-ladli-behna-became-shivraj-chouhans-masterstroke-in-election-year-4632153. Accessed 17 Dec. 2023.

[iii] Khan,Hamza.“In Priyanka Presence, Gehlot’s New “Guarantees” to Women: Rs 10k, Subsidised LPG to 1 Cr Homes.” The Indian Express, 25 Oct. 2023, indianexpress.com/article/political-pulse/rajasthan-gehlot-rs-10000-woman-head-of-family-lpg-cylinder-at-rs-500-8998861/.‌

[iv] Bureau, The Hindu. “Telangana Assembly Elections Results 2023 | What Election Promises Did Congress Make?” The Hindu, 3 Dec. 2023, http://www.thehindu.com/elections/telangana-assembly/telangana-elections-results-2023-what-election-promises-did-congress-make/article67600494.ece. Accessed 20 Dec. 2023.

[v] “BJP, Cong Try to Cash in on Quota for Women but Name Less than 15%.” The Times of India, 23 Oct. 2023, timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/bhopal/bjp-cong-try-to-cash-in-on-quota-for-women-but-name-less-than-15/articleshow/104637957.cms.

[vi] Anjum, Tabeenah. “Rajasthan: Despite Women-Centric Poll Promises, Only 14% Candidates Fielded by Congress and 10% by BJP Are Female.” Outlookindia.com, Outlook, 8 Nov. 2023, http://www.outlookindia.com/national/rajasthan-assembly-election-2023-despite-women-centric-poll-promises-only-10-candidates-fielded-by-congress-and-bjp-are-female-news-329623. Accessed 17 Dec. 2023.

[vii] Erukala, Sandeep. “Telangana Assembly Elections: 221 Women Are in Poll Race.” Telangana Today, 19 Nov. 2023, telanganatoday.com/telangana-assembly-elections-221-women-are-in-poll-race. Accessed 17 Dec. 2023.

[viii] PTI. “Protest in Aizawl against Congress for Nominating Mizo Woman Who Married Outside Community.” Deccan Herald, http://www.deccanherald.com/elections/mizoram/protest-in-aizawl-against-congress-for-nominating-mizo-woman-who-married-outside-community-2735688. Accessed 17 Dec. 2023.

Bad guys don’t harm good girls. #myth

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Among the many ridiculous theories patriarchy spins as a disguise for its sanction of male entitlement and violence, is the idea that if girls are good, or in Mr. Kamalahaasan’s words ‘dignified’ and ‘confident,’ men will not harm them. The more old-fashioned version of this is the judgment expressed by luminaries in the aftermath of the 2012 Delhi gang-rape that had the victim prayed or had she addressed the assailants as brother, they would have spared her. There are more things wrong with this thinking than I can digress to point out this morning.

What brings on this observation (and blogpost)? These two tweets: one by @angrybirdu with an old video clip featuring Mr. Kamalahaasan’s views and one by the man himself, as recently as last Saturday.

When celebrities say stupid things about sundry topics, it does not matter. But when their utterances trivialise a deep-rooted systemic problem that has horrendous consequences for people’s lives, it matters because people pay attention to their words and in societies with strong fan cultures, they take those words as gospel. When such a celebrity has also entered the public, political domain, claiming to want to make a change, one must ask: What sort of change? Ending corruption alone is a superficial, even cosmetic, change in a society rife with inequality and discrimination. Just quoting Periyar and Ambedkar without understanding that equality must mean gender equality is, in fact, an actor spouting lines written for a role.

With State Assembly elections imminent, and Mr. Kamalahaasan’s party making a serious bid to contest, we must consider his impact on the election discourse and on the election results. If politicians do not care about gender equality and are happy to wear their misogyny on their sleeve as a marker of masculinity, remember they are a subset of the electorate which does not care and is happy to vote for them regardless.

When and how do we change this? Can we seek a commitment from political parties–understanding that it will be expedient and insincere–to at least make a token endorsement of the recommendations in the Prajnya Gender Equality Election Checklist?

As for voters: Change begins with us. Let us quickly mount the pressure on political parties as they start to prepare nomination lists and manifestos for upcoming elections. Show that you care, and signing this petition is one way to do that.

PRAJNYA GENDER EQUALITY ELECTION CHECKLIST FOR PARTIES AND VOTERS

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PRAJNYA GENDER EQUALITY
ELECTION CHECKLIST

Democracy without gender equality is incomplete and imperfect.

Political parties, election officials and voters must all demonstrate
a commitment to inclusivity and a concern for gender-related issues
from survival to violence to access to participation.

GENDER EQUALITY ELECTION GUIDE
FOR POLITICAL PARTIES

Make Gender Parity a Guiding Principle for Selection

  1. Encourage members to nominate women.
  2. Short-list an equal number of men and women for each seat before making a decision.
  3. Actively seek to nominate a roughly equal number of men and women to contest elections.

DO NOT, we repeat,

  1. Do NOT nominate those facing charges relating to sexual and gender-based violence
    unless and until a court absolves them.
  2. Do NOT nominate those guilty of sexist and misogynistic speech.

Make Place for Gender Equality in the Party Manifesto

  1. Expressly commit to gender equality.
  2. Clarify party positions on issues relating to gender equality—violence, access to justice, access to opportunity and services and property rights, for instance.
  3. Expressly commit to gender parity in key party and government positions.

VOTE FOR GENDER EQUALITY

Vote for a party that shows

  1. Zero-tolerance for violence in speech or action.
  2. Commitment to gender parity (or something close to it) in nominations.
  3. Evidence of equal party support to male and other candidates.
  4. Strong and clear positions in favour of gender equality.
  5. Genuine concern about gender-related issues in speeches and interviews.

THIS ELECTION,
MAKE TRUE DEMOCRACY NON-NEGOTIABLE.
VOTE FOR GENDER EQUALITY.

January 2019

http://www.prajnya.in
prajnyatrust@gmail.com

#GenderEqualityElectionWatch: Manifest(o) Misogyny: The INC Manifesto for the Himachal Pradesh 2017 Assembly election

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Election Manifesto 2017

In Himachal Pradesh, the Congress is seeking re-election so their manifesto opens by asking: Why the Congress again in 2017? The answers are not very persuasive, the content repetitive and the language weak. But never mind, because this is a gender audit and what we really want to know is what the Congress is promising to women and what its approach is to gender issues. On that note, in the introduction we are told that with the UPA, schemes have been introduced and implemented for the welfare of every section of society including women. They have gone, we are told, beyond the promises of their last manifesto. The introduction reassures us that women will be provided with respect and safety.

The Congress manifesto has a section “For Women” in which it promises:

  • Academic support to meritorious girl students.
  • Hostels for working women in cities.
  • Pension schemes for orphaned girls, girls and women with disabilities and widows.
  • Appropriate justice and administrative measures to fast track cases of harassment and misdemeanours against women.
  • Access to credit for self-employed women.
  • Self-defence training centres in every district to train women.
  • Women’s police stations in every district.
  • Anganwadi Centres in every village to take care of women and children.
  • Expansion of the free ambulance service for pregnant women.
  • A ‘Woman Safety Application’ will be operationalised for women’s safety.
  • Women’s organisations will be strengthened in every way.
  • The grant given for the marriages of the daughters of widowed women will be expanded.

Under the category of health care, it is promised that more women will be trained as nurses.

Overall, there is less text devoted in this manifesto to women (as compared to the BJP) but women for the Congress are students, workers and entrepreneurs. They are professionals—police and nurses. Their health-care needs, at least as mothers, are addressed. Self-defence and safety are addressed here, rather than the patriarchal attitudes that lead to violence, but the tone is less paternalistic.

Talking gender equality at election time (1)

Going by the Prajnya Gender Equality Election Checklist however:

  • Again, the numbers of candidates are low.
  • It is not clear how much support they are getting.
  • Misogynistic speech is a non-issue.
  • There is no promise to end impunity or to bar those who are charge-sheeted for crimes against women.

#GenderEqualityElectionWatch: Manifest(o) Misogyny (1): The BJP manifesto for Himachal Pradesh 2017

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What does the BJP manifesto for Himachal Pradesh‘s 2017 Assembly election promise? More importantly, what does it reveal about the BJP’s gender politics?

Called the “Golden Himachal Vision Document 2017,” the document opens with a listing of ten ways in which the Modi government has strengthened the foundations of Himachal Pradesh; sixth and seventh on this list are the Sukanya Samriddhi Yojana under which 1,80,829 accounts have been opened and the Beti Bachao, Beti Padhao campaign for which Rs. 49 lakhs have been mobilised for this state. The seven health developments listed do not include women’s health measures.

In the list of promises, women follow youth and farmers and precede senior citizens, government workers, army veterans and weaker sections. This tells us that women are considered an important vote-bank, though not as vital as youth or farmers.

The section on women is titled “Empowered woman, equal rights” (Sashakt Nari, Samaan Adhikaar). The BJP states that it is necessary to take steps to ensure that women are equal partners in development, and that respect and safety for women is their highest priority. Development programmes should be gender-sensitive and they would take measures to improve women’s health and livelihoods.

The Empowered Woman Yojana will have a special allocation which will enable the setting up of an ‘Empowered Woman Centre’ (Sashakt Stree Kendra) in every gram panchayat, which will fully empower women and make them independent. The word ‘empowered’ is repeated throughout this document but we do not know what ‘empowerment’ means. Today in India, it is as if repeating ‘women empowerment’ (forget the ‘apostrophe s’) will transform society. In fact, it acts as a smoke-screen that protects patriarchy.

The Empowered Women Centres will generate new job opportunities for women, and support women entrepreneurs, farmers and self-help groups. Women will be offered legal help in the centres and an ‘Empowered Woman Official’ (Sashakt Stree Adhikari) will be appointed for the implementation of the 2005 Domestic Violence Act. (Twelve years later, should this even be a promise?) The Centre will allow women to be a part of decisions made at the Panchayat—a right that the Constitution gives them. The Centre will host (Sashakt Stree Sabha) Empowered Women Assemblies where elected women Panchayat representatives will meet other women and take forward issues, demands and recommendations to the state government level.  Funds will also be allocated towards building the capacity of elected women representatives. The Centres will also be responsible for administering nutritional schemes.

Considering cleanliness to be a fundamental right, the regular cleaning and maintenance of public toilets will be undertaken, the BJP promises. Facilities essential to women’s health and reproductive care will be provided for in public bathrooms—presumably, this refers to sanitary napkins. Allocations will be increased for prenatal and postnatal health care.

The next category of promises relates to women’s safety. The accent here is on protection and the paternalism is underscored by the name of the redressal mechanism to be launched: “Gudiya Yojana” or “Doll Scheme.” Every district will have a 24×7 Women’s Police Station. There will be a 24×7 Gudiya Helpline. Every mobile phone will have a Shakti (Power) button which used, will report the user’s location, name and phone number to the police control room, the nearest mobile police van and station. To increase the percentage of women police recruits to make 33% of the force, is another promise, as are self-defence classes organised in government schools.

To refer to women and girls as ‘gudiya’ may be intended to demonstrate filial affection but dolls are lifeless, lacking in intelligence, unable to think and act and must be acted for and upon. What does this tell us about the thinking of the BJP in this state (or elsewhere)? That women and girls are less than human?

The next subheading is ‘Women-Centred Laws.’ Immediate investigation and strict implementation of laws against rape, dowry, sexual harassment and domestic violence are promised. It is shameful that this should even be a promise; it should be a given.

Women farmers will be given equal rights, and a Women Farmers’ Bill will be introduced to recognise their debts, agricultural inputs and land rights. This last suggestion is the only one that recognises women as agents and contributors to society.

For the rest, they remain mothers and otherwise infantile objects to be protected, provided for and empowered. Government—mostly men, given the nomination statistics—will take care of women and girls, don’t worry. Moreover, many of the promises are tantamount to simply stating that the government will do its job—from safety and health care to recruiting women into the police, these are old policies.

Talking gender equality at election time (1)

It is laughable to apply the Prajnya Gender Equality Election Checklist here but when one does so just as an academic exercise, the omissions and silences in the manifesto are underscored:

  • The number of nominated women is pathetic.
  • It is not clear how well-supported those women are.
  • There is no censure of misogynistic speech.
  • While the BJP promises to protect women, it says nothing about penalising men who have been charged with hurting women.

Tomorrow: The Congress manifesto for HP. 

(Translations mine, with occasional help from Google.)

#GenderEqualityElectionWatch – Himachal Pradesh Elections 2017 – Where are the women candidates?

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This 3-part article is written for prajnya.in as part of the Gender Election Watch Project on Himachal Pradesh and Gujarat elections

Earlier this week, I and Dr. Swarna Rajagopalan from Prajnya began to investigate gender statistics on the forthcoming Himachal elections that are due to take place on the 9 November 2017. Subdivided into 12 districts and 68 Assembly Constituencies (ACs), the state will witness a single phase election. Electoral battles are often a face-off between two key national parties – the Indian National Congress (currently led by the incumbent state Chief Minister Virbhadra Singh) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (led by Prem Kumar Dhumal). With little space for a third alternative, voting remains largely restricted between these two parties; both parties assembled a total vote share of 81 percent in the State Assembly elections in 2012 which the Congress won.

voting

File photo from India News. http://bit.ly/2iNxZyM

An unforgiving observation, however, is the disproportionate gender imbalance in the electoral mechanics. So far, our research has identified merely 15 women candidates from three major parties contesting in the polls – 4 from the Congress, 8 from the BJP and 3 from BSP vis-a-vis a total number of 400-odd male candidates. Although the list expands to 20 when we include independent women candidates, yet the ratio of men to women contestants have remained disproportionate .

No Name of the Party Number of Candidates contesting
1 Bahujan Samaj Party 32
2 Bharatiya Janata Party 68
3 Indian National Congress 68
4 CPI/CPI (M) 30
5 All India Trinamool Congress Data not available
6 Nationalist Congress Party Data not available
Total Number 198*
Total Number of Women candidates 20*

*Based on nomination data from the Chief Electoral Officer, Himachal Pradesh

In the Himachal state elections since the turn of the century, the number of contesting women candidates contesting have remained roughly around 8 percent. In other words, for every 100 people contesting in an election, there are merely 8 women candidates. Elected women candidates average roughly around 6 percent of the total 68 elected representatives in the Himachal State Legislative Assembly. Interestingly, the figure was the lowest in 2012, when only 3 women candidates were elected alongside 65 male representatives.

https://infogram.com/gender-election-watch-himachal-state-assembly-elections-2017-1gqo2qn3kvgw278

This statistic is further intriguing considering how female voting numbers have been traditionally higher over the last three assembly elections in Himachal Pradesh. In 2003, 2007 and in 2012, the percentage of female voters was nearly 75 percent vis-à-vis male voters who were nearly 70-71 percent. Why are parties not fielding more women candidates? The state is yet to see a women Chief Minister.

Where are the women contesting from:

No Party Name of Women Candidates Place they are contesting from
1 INC Asha Kumari Dalhousie
2 INC Viplov Thakur Dehra
3 INC Champa Thakur Mandi-Sadar
4 INC Anjna Devi Una
5 BJP Reeta Devi Indora (SC)
6 BJP Sarveen Shahpur
7 BJP Indu Bala Palampur
8 BJP Kamlesh Kumari Bhoranj (SC)
9 BJP Vijay Jyoti Sain Kasumpti
10 BJP Shashi Bala Rohru (SC)
11 BJP Neelam Nayyar Chamba
12 BJP Vinod Kumari Chandel Doon
13 BSP Pinki Devi Nagrota
14 BSP Saroti Devi Barsar
15 BSP Manjana Devi Jawali
16 Indpndt Nirmala Chauhan Karsog
17 Rashtriya Azad Manch Renuka Dogra Kullu
18 Indpndt Roshani Sharma Mandi
19 Lok Gathbandan Party Paro Devi Sarkaghat
20 Indpndt Kumari Vandna Sullah

Does the system discourage women from participating? What seem to be the barriers to entry? We find that reservation for women candidates can encourage more women to contest and win in elections. The results of the Panchayat and Zila Parishad elections – where reservations apply – illustrate this clearly, as a 2015 State report highlighted:

“In Himachal Pradesh there are 3243 Gram Panchayats, out of which 1639(50.54 per cent) seats have been occupied by women in the 2011 Panchayat elections. Out of total seats occupied by women, 987 (60.21 per cent) occupied by general women, 421,(25.68 per cent) scheduled caste women, 104 (6.34 per cent) scheduled tribes women and 127 (7.74 per cent) occupied by OBC women. Similarly, out to total 77 Chairman Panchayat Simities seats, 42 seats (54, 55 percent) of the seats in this category have been occupied by women. Among total seats occupied by women in Chairman Panchayat Simities category, 20 (48 per cent) occupied by general women, 13(31 per cent) by scheduled caste women, 4 (9 per cent) by scheduled tribes women and 5 (12 per cent) occupied by OBC women. Out of the total 12 seats chairpersons of Zila Parisad seats, 6 (50 per cent) of the seats have been occupied by women in 2011 elections.”

End of Part 1. Part 2 will track media coverage of these women candidates, and Part 3 is a post election piece.

Stats calculated based on public available data on candidates, and from previous Election Commission Reports.  

#GENDEREQUALITYELECTIONWATCH: Uttarakhand

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Again, this is getting written on election day in Uttarakhand. What that means is that it will largely end up being an account of numbers–how many women and how many mentions in a manifesto. The lack of consistent, everyday monitoring means that we do not get to track campaign speeches for misogyny. This election watch project has also missed out on checking out criminal charges of candidates. Notwithstanding these shortcomings, I would say it is worth finishing what we started so here is a gender analysis of the election in Uttarakhand.

How many women? 

Last update: Feb 15, 2017
Assembly size: 70
Source: elections.in
Seats contested Women nominees
Samajwadi Party 51 NA
Uttarakhand Kranti Dal 70 NA
BJP 70 5
Congress 70 9
BSP 24 1
Rashtriya Lok Dal 3 0

What is left to say about the low percentage of women nominees?

Gender in the manifestos

As hard as it is to find gender sensitivity in party manifestos, it is hard to find the manifestos themselves. What is the point of a manifesto that cannot be easily found in the public domain? It must be to minimises traces of promises made and the opportunity cost of accountability.

Based on a news report, the Congress manifesto promises 33% reservation for women in government jobs. The other promise with gender transformational potential is to set up five aapda mitra (in every village?) or disaster relief workers. If 2-3 of them were women, that would alter the face of disaster mitigation, relief and rehabilitation in Uttarakhand. However, we have no way of knowing more.

The BJP manifesto, also culled from a newsreport, includes a cash gift to girls: “Rs. 5,000 for every girl child born in poor families” and a removal of the age bar for widow pensions at Rs 1000. Very interestingly, it promises that, “The opinion of all women on triple talaq will be taken and placed in front of Supreme Court.”

For the other parties, there did not even seem to be reports on the manifesto release. Did they not bother?